Nato

Eu

Europe

Russia

Ukraine

Subjectio Parallels

A visual investigation of Russian and Western influences in Southeast and Eastern Europe

by Pierre Crom ©

After numerous journeys through Ukraine, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Moldova, North Macedonia, Kosovo, Serbia, Montenegro, Transnistria, and Belarus, photographer Pierre Crom began to observe striking similarities in the events unfolding across these regions.

He noted distinct parallels, particularly among Ukraine, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Montenegro, where the presence of the Russian Night Wolves, a motorcycle band known for its involvement in military actions and various cultural initiatives, underscored their agenda of promoting a broader Slavic unity.

In Russia-occupied Luhansk, Ukraine, a member of the Russian Night Wolves motorcycle club gears up inside a seized school building, where a flag of the self-proclaimed Donetsk People’s Republic is displayed. © Pierre Crom

In Belgrade, Serbia, a member of the Russian Night Wolves motorcycle club rides his motorbike through the city center. © Pierre Crom

In Banja Luka, Republika Srpska, Bosnia and Herzegovina, members of the Russian biker group Night Wolves march during the Bosnian Serb January 9 Statehood Day parade. © Pierre Crom

In Podgorica, Montenegro, in August 2020, members of the Russian motorcycle club Night Wolves gathered outside the Cathedral of the Resurrection to celebrate the day after a coalition of Serbian nationalist and pro-Russian parties won the parliamentary elections. © Pierre Crom

In Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Serbia and Ukraine, portraits and murals featuring Russian President Vladimir Putin have emerged in public spaces.

In Podgorica, Montenegro, a portrait of Russian President Vladimir Putin is displayed in the “Russian Bar,” symbolizing a clear nod to his influence in the establishment’s identity. © Pierre Crom

In Milici, Bosnia and Herzegovina, a portrait of Russian President Vladimir Putin is featured at “Cafe Putin”. © Pierre Crom

In Zvecan, Kosovo, a mural of Russian President Vladimir Putin adorns the exterior of a local coffee house. © Pierre Crom

In Belgrade, Serbia, A mural portrays Vladimir Putin, president of the Russian Federation, accompanied by Cyrillic text that reads “Brother”. © Pierre Crom

In Kostyantynivka, Ukraine, a mural on the wall of the bombed train station depicts Russian President Vladimir Putin hanging from a scarf painted in the colors of the Ukrainian flag. © Pierre Crom

Displays of power were evident during military parades and commemorative ceremonies in Ukraine, Kosovo, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia and Belarus.

In Kyiv, Ukraine, on August 24, 2017, U.S. servicemen line up for a military parade on Independence Day. © Pierre Crom

In Pristina, Kosovo, the Kosovo Armed Forces march during the Independence Day parade. © Pierre Crom

In Belgrade, Serbia, Serbian guards raise the national flag during a ceremony to commemorate the national day. © Pierre Crom

In Banja Luka, Republika Srpska, Bosnia and Herzegovina, despite an official ban from the Ministry of Defense, members of the Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina participated in the Republika Srpska’s January 9 Statehood Day celebrations. © Pierre Crom

In Skopje, North Macedonia, a ceremony is held in front of the Monument to Alexander III of Macedonia on Macedonia Square. © Pierre Crom

In Vitebsk, Belarus, Belarusian servicemen fire their rifles during a commemoration of the city’s liberation by the Red Army in World War II. © Pierre Crom

In Serbia, Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, murals glorifying war criminals and genocidal regimes were observed.

In Belgrade, Serbia, a mural honors the late Russian fighter Arsen Pavlov, known as Motorola, who fought with Russia-backed forces in eastern Ukraine. © Pierre Crom

In Mitrovica, Kosovo, a mural featuring the letter “Z”, a widely recognized emblem of Russia’s war in Ukraine, was spotted near a university in a predominantly Kosovo Serb neighborhood. The graffiti was accompanied by the phrase “Serbs with Russians,” underscoring a visible expression of solidarity between some local Serbs and Russia.© Pierre Crom

In Visegrad, Republika Srpska, Bosnia and Herzegovina, a mural features the symbol of Russia’s war in Ukraine, anti-NATO and anti-EU graffiti, as well as the flags of Russia and Serbia. © Pierre Crom

Concealed installations designed to safeguard weapons, war ships and submarines have been revealed along Montenegro’s Adriatic coast and in Balaklava on the Black Sea, within Russian-occupied Crimea.

In Tivat, Montenegro, lies the hidden remnants of a secret naval base from the former Yugoslavia. Constructed in the Bay of Kotor during the Cold War, this strategic stronghold was designed to shield warships and submarines from potential air and sea attacks. The base, nestled within the bay’s rugged coastline, stands as a relic of the era’s military tensions and clandestine operations. © Pierre Crom

In Tivat, Montenegro, the P-821 Heroj submarine, once a key asset of the Yugoslav Navy, is now on display, offering a rare glimpse into the naval history and military prowess of the former Yugoslavia. © Pierre Crom

In Russia-occupied Balaklava, Ukraine, on March 6, 2014, the entrance of a former Soviet submarine base came into view as Russian forces, lacking insignia, moved into Crimea. This stark image evokes memories of Cold War secrecy, now reawakened in the shadow of modern geopolitical tensions. © Pierre Crom

In Odesa, Ukraine, the silhouette of a Soviet-era Project 615 submarine is glimpsed through the surface of a large soap bubble in a park. © Pierre Crom

Orthodox Christian rituals and religious influences were prominently observed throughout Ukraine, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Moldova, North Macedonia, Kosovo, Serbia, Montenegro, Transnistria, and Belarus.

In Russia-occupied Luhansk, Ukraine, worshippers pray in a church. © Pierre Crom

In Banja Luka, Republika Srpska, Bosnia and Herzegovina, a worshipper reacts as Patriarch Irinej, head of the Serbian Orthodox Church, conducts a mass during the January 9 Bosnian-Serb Statehood Day. © Pierre Crom

In Comrat, Moldova, worshippers exchange money inside the Orthodox cathedral.© Pierre Crom

In Skopje, North Macedonia, a churchgoer looks at her smartphone during a ceremony in an Orthodox Christian church. © Pierre Crom

In Gracanica, Kosovo, ahead of a wedding ceremony at the Gracanica Monastery, Kosovo Serbs from Mitrovica dance to traditional Serbian music while a Serbian Orthodox priest walks past. © Pierre Crom

In Belgrade, Serbia, the Church of Saint Sava, co-financed by Russia and still under construction, opens its doors to the public. © Pierre Crom

In Ostrog, Montenegro, a visitor kisses an icon at the Serbian Orthodox Monastery of Ostrog. © Pierre Crom

In Hristovaia, Transnistria (Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic), Nikolai prays in a Christian Orthodox holy bath administered by pro-life activists from Russia. © Pierre Crom

In Vistychi, Belarus, a priest conducts a mass. © Pierre Crom

Orchestrated independence referendums occurred in Russia-controlled Crimea and Donbas within Ukraine. North Macedonia’s referendum to rename the country for NATO membership saw only a 36.89% turnout. Similarly, Montenegro joined NATO in 2020 despite its referendum’s turnout falling well below the 50% threshold.

In Russia-occupied Crimea, Ukraine, a local resident casts her vote at a polling station in Perevalnoye during a controversial referendum orchestrated to determine whether Crimea should be annexed by Russia. © Pierre Crom

In Russia-occupied Sloviansk, Ukraine, a Russian fighter casts his ballot during a sham independence referendum in the Donbas region. © Pierre Crom

In Skopje, North Macedonia, a commission worker waits for voters at a polling station during the name-change referendum. © Pierre Crom

In September 2016, Republika Srpska defied Bosnia’s Constitutional Court by holding a referendum to declare January 9 as its official “National Day”, a date tied to Serb separatism and widely seen as exclusionary.
The vote, pushed by RS leader Milorad Dodik, drew sharp Western criticism, with EU and U.S. officials warning it undermined Bosnia’s constitutional order and risked reigniting ethnic tensions.
While Sarajevo and international institutions condemned the move as unconstitutional, Russia backed the referendum, reinforcing Moscow’s growing influence in the Western Balkans and Dodik’s nationalist agenda. The event was widely viewed as a provocation, not just domestically, but geopolitically, testing the West’s resolve in a fragile, post-conflict state.

In Banja Luka, Republika Srpska, Bosnia and Herzegovina, residents attend a military parade on January 9, marking the Bosnian Serb “statehood day,” declared unconstitutional by Bosnia’s top court. © Pierre Crom

Moldova’s nationwide constitutional referendum of 20 October 2024 concluded with 50.35% of voters endorsing the proposal to anchor the country’s aspiration for European Union membership in its Constitution.

In Chisinau, Moldova, a quote from Russian poet Alexander Pushkin, written in Cyrillic script, reads “My friends, our union is beautiful” at a school serving as a polling station. © Pierre Crom

Skate culture is thriving across Europe, connecting youth from different corners of the continent, including regions shaped by former ideological blocks. From public squares in Ukraine and Belarus to a dedicated skatepark in Transnistria and the coastal walkways of Montenegro, skaters adapt local environments into spaces for expression.
In places once defined by Soviet or Yugoslav systems, where conformity and structure dominated public life, skateboarding stands out for its informality and independence. It represents a cultural shift, one that values spontaneity over control, and personal style over collective discipline. Skating doesn’t ignore the past, but moves through it with a different pace.

In Kyiv, Ukraine, skaters gather on a square. © Pierre Crom

In Brest, Belarus, teenagers gather for a skateboarding contest on World Skateboarding Day. © Pierre Crom

In Tiraspol, Moldova, Transnistria (Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic): Teenagers gather at the skate park during summer holidays. © Pierre Crom

In Bar, Montenegro, a Russian speaking skater performs tricks. © Pierre Crom

A vast array of monuments, established during the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, and post-independence conflicts, stand as tributes to historical figures, war massacres, genocides and fallen soldiers across Ukraine, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Moldova, North Macedonia, Kosovo, Serbia, Montenegro, Transnistria, and Belarus.

In Starosillya, Ukraine, statues of Soviet leader Vladimir Lenin are showcased at the Museum of Socialist Realism. © Pierre Crom

In East Sarajevo, Republika Srpska, Bosnia and Herzegovina, a monument to Vitaly Churkin, the Russian diplomat who voted against the 2015 UN resolution recognizing the Srebrenica massacre as genocide, stands outside the Russian-Serbian Cultural Center. © Pierre Crom

In Chisinau, Moldova, a protest sign opposes former pro-Russian President Igor Dodon’s plans to dismantle a monument dedicated to the victims of the totalitarian communist regime. © Pierre Crom

In Skopje, North Macedonia, statues of historical figures prominently fill the city center in an attempt to give the city a more nationalist appearance. © Pierre Crom

In Pristina, Kosovo, a young boy gestures near the statue of Bill Clinton, who served as President of the United States from 1993 to 2001. © Pierre Crom

In Nis, Serbia, The emblem of Yugoslavia is preserved in the botanical garden of the fortress. © Pierre Crom

In Podgorica, Montenegro, a monument to the Russian artist Vladimir Vysotsky stands near Moscow Bridge. © Pierre Crom

In Katerinovka, Transnistria (Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic), Moldova, a statue of Lenin, depicted in gold and holding children, is prominently displayed outside the Soviet-era Palace of Culture. © Pierre Crom

In Minsk, Belarus, the head of a Lenin statue is stored at the Stalin Line Museum, with a sign reading “No Entry.” © Pierre Crom

Across Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Transnistria, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and North Macedonia, culture serves as a tool for international engagement and for bridging communities, including ethnic groups, while also facilitating a departure from former union practices, trauma recovery, and the questioning of power legitimacy. Western support for cultural projects aims to promote progressive values, though conservative practices with ties to the past endure.

In Minsk, Belarus, a model poses for students at the Academy of Art. © Pierre Crom

In Kharkiv, Ukraine, an artist creates a painting outside the opera theater. © Pierre Crom

In Chisinau, Moldova, an artist performs during a cultural festival. © Pierre Crom

In Tiraspol, Transnistria (Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic), Moldova, astudent plays cello in a music school.
© Pierre Crom

In Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, ared chair, positioned for a model to be sketched, sits centrally within the Academy of Fine Arts amphitheater. © Pierre Crom

In Pristina, Kosovo, a woman walks past the Newborn monument during the Manifesta art festival. © Pierre Crom

In Skopje, North Macedonia, the Academy of Art in the old bazaar of Skopje hosts a class attended by students of Albanian and Serbian origin. © Pierre Crom

Ruined buildings serve as stark reminders of past battles in urban areas across Ukraine, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia and Kosovo.

In Sloviansk, Ukraine, a man surveys the wreckage of a hospital that once stood along the former frontlines. © Pierre Crom

In Mostar, Bosnia and Herzegovina, a tree stands tall within the ruins of a building destroyed during the Bosnian War. © Pierre Crom

In Belgrade, Serbia, pedestrians pass by the remnants of a building still scarred by the 1999 NATO bombings. © Pierre Crom

In Prekaz, Kosovo, the remains of a Kosovo Liberation Army fighter’s house, destroyed during Serbian bombings, are preserved as a memorial monument at the Adem Jashari Memorial Complex. © Pierre Crom

Protesters convened for anti-NATO demonstrations, supported by Russia, in North Macedonia, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia.

In Skopje, North Macedonia, Anti-NATO and EU protesters gather outside parliament following a referendum on resolving the name dispute with Greece. The change from Macedonia to North Macedonia paves the way for the country’s NATO and EU membership. © Pierre Crom

In Cetinje, Montenegro, Anti-NATO protesters burn a NATO flag as the parliamentary majority ratifies the pact on NATO membership. © Pierre Crom

In Banja Luka, Republika Srpska, Bosnia and Herzegovina, local activists display an anti-NATO banner on the contentious Bosnian Serb Statehood Day, January 9. © Pierre Crom

In Belgrade, Serbia, anti-NATO and anti-EU Serbian nationalists shout slogans, light flares, and wave flags to disrupt the Miredita, Dobar Dan! festival, which celebrates Kosovo Albanian culture. © Pierre Crom

All Images by Pierre Crom ©

Pierre Crom has lived in the Netherlands since 1987. He studied photography at the Royal Academy of Art in The Hague. Since February 2014, Crom has extensively documented the war in Ukraine. In 2015, he won the Dutch Zilveren Camera award for a documentary series on the MH17 disaster. In 2017, his visual investigations from 2014 and 2015 in Ukraine were published in the photo book “War in Ukraine”, offering an intimate portrait of a country where socio-economic discontent spiraled into war. Since 2014, Pierre has been working on the digital project Subjectio, a visual exploration of Russian and Western influences in Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, North Macedonia, Kosovo, Moldova, Transnistria, Ukraine, and Belarus. “Signs of War”, a documentary co-directed with Ukrainian director Juri Rechinsky, tells the story behind his 2014–2015 images in Ukraine. The documentary won Austria’s 2023 Vienna Film Award for Film of the Year. His website and related content are archived by the Dutch Royal Library for future research.