Subjectio, 10 years on

A visual investigation of Russian and Western influences in Southeast and Eastern Europe

Subjectio
14 min readAug 14, 2024

by Pierre Crom ©

“Subjectio” is a research initiative that explores the complex strategies and tactics employed by both Western nations and Russia to maintain their dominance over countries within their respective spheres of influence. This study examines the nuanced power dynamics and geopolitical manoeuvres that these global powers use to assert control and shape the political landscapes of other nations. This investigation encompasses a wide array of domains and methods that these actors employ to exert influence over Southeast and Eastern European regions. The areas of impact span from historical narratives and diplomacy to military actions, political manoeuvring, propaganda dissemination, educational initiatives, architectural projects, disinformation campaigns, economic engagement, cultural influences, and even religious influences.

In Perevalne, Russia-occupied Crimea, Ukraine, on March 2, 2014, Russian forces without insignia surround a Ukrainian military base. Unarmed Ukrainian soldiers stand guard behind the fence. © Pierre Crom

Subjectio was initiated by Pierre Crom in 2014. When Russia invaded Ukraine’s Crimea that same year, in response to the ousting of the Russia-backed Ukrainian president Yanukovych during the Revolution of Dignity (also known as the Maidan uprising), Crom, originally a photojournalist, found himself on the front lines. He documented the early stages of Russia’s war in Ukraine from the Russian frontline until January 2016. After being banned by Russia from continuing his work in Ukraine’s occupied territories in January 2016, Crom expanded his focus to the broader European geopolitical landscape. He began exploring parallels between the situation in Ukraine (2014,2015,2016,2017,2019,2020,2021,2022,2023,2024) and events in other regions, starting with Bosnia and Herzegovina (2015, 2016,2017,2019,2021,2022), followed by Moldova (2016,2017,2019,2020,2021,2023), North Macedonia (2016,2017,2018,2022), Kosovo (2017,2019,2020,2022), Serbia (2017,2019,2020,2022), Montenegro (2017,2018,2020,2023), Transnistria (2017,2019), and Belarus (2017,2019). Crom selected countries and states that were neither members of the European Union nor NATO. However, Montenegro joined NATO in 2017, followed by North Macedonia in 2020. Crom would revisit these countries and regions multiple times during key political or historical events, continuing this work until January 2024, to build a comprehensive archive illustrating the various influences at play.

The primary focus of Subjectio centres on a selection of countries in Southeast and Eastern Europe, including Ukraine, Moldova, Transnistria, Belarus, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Kosovo, and Serbia. In each of these states, Western countries and Russia engage in a multifaceted and complex game of influence, attempting to shape the political, social, cultural and economical landscape in ways that align with their respective interests.

Here is a more detailed breakdown of the various forms of influence and the specific countries examined within Subjectio:

History:

Russia selectively interprets historical events and narratives to align with their respective agendas in these states. The Kremlin has reinterpreted and idealised European historical events to justify its unprovoked war in Ukraine and other contentious campaigns across Europe, in an effort to draw potential allies into its sphere of influence. The Kremlin’s distortion of historical facts has led Russian President Vladimir Putin to inaccurately assert that “modern Ukraine was entirely created by Russia.” Despite Ukrainians overwhelmingly opting for independence in a December 1991 referendum, Putin has dismissed Ukraine as “historically Russian land,” thereby denying the country its sovereignty.

In Russia-occupied Debaltseve, Ukraine, Intoxicated Russian fighters stand inside the train station of Debaltseve, beneath a painting that depicts the liberation of Debaltseve by the Red Army during World War II. © Pierre Crom

Diplomacy:

Diplomatic initiatives, such as negotiations, alliances, and international agreements, are pivotal in shaping the geopolitical landscape of these states. In stark contrast, Russia has employed a network of spies posing as diplomats, exploiting diplomatic missions for its own purposes. In July 2023, Moldova expelled 45 Russian diplomats and other embassy personnel due to their “unfriendly actions,” following a media revelation about newly installed surveillance equipment on the roof of the Russian embassy and a nearby building used by Russia.

In Chisinau, Moldova, a Moldovan police officer stands guard outside the Russian embassy. © Pierre Crom

Military:

This involves the deployment of troops, strategic positioning, and providing military aid in areas of conflict. Russia has amassed hundreds of thousands of troops and a vast arsenal of advanced weaponry in Ukraine to carry out an unprovoked assault. In response, Western coalitions have provided Ukraine with extensive military support.
In September 2023, a contingent of 30 heavily armed Serbian mercenaries crossed the border into Kosovo, launching an assault on the village of Banjska. Meanwhile, NATO-led peace missions continue to oversee and manage tensions in Kosovo and Bosnia and Herzegovina.

In Russia-occupied Donetsk, Ukraine, Russian tanks on the outskirts of Donetsk. © Pierre Crom

Politics:

Political meddling can include supporting particular parties or leaders and actively attempting to influence domestic political processes. Russia has replicated what is known as the “Kosovo scenario” in Ukraine. In 1999, a NATO-led peace mission was dispatched to halt the mass killing of civilians in Kosovo, followed by an independence referendum.
In July 2024, Montenegro’s parliament approved a cabinet reshuffle, which included ministers from the pro-Russian “For the Future of Montenegro” coalition.
In April 2024, a new political alliance with a pro-Russian orientation, named Pobeda (Victory), was unveiled in Moscow. Spearheaded by Ilan Shor, a fugitive oligarch from Moldova, and his associates, this bloc is set to contest the forthcoming presidential elections in Moldova.

In Russia-occupied Sloviansk, Ukraine, on May 11, 2014, Russia-backed separatists forced a resident to vote during a staged referendum on the independence of the Donbas region. © Pierre Crom

Propaganda:

Crafting and manipulating media narratives to influence public opinion, often through biassed or deceptive tactics, has become a calculated strategy to shape perception.
Russian propaganda channels exaggerated the crime rate in Montenegro through false reports intended to damage the country’s tourism industry. This included a fabricated story involving a vehicle with bullet holes, which was actually rented from a movie props company.
Across the former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, countless monuments were erected to cultivate a cult of personality and convey an illusion of imperial grandeur.

In Zaporizhzhiia, Ukraine, a Soviet statue of Lenin is seen covered with a Ukrainian shirt. © Pierre Crom

Education:

Educational investments can be leveraged to promote values or ideologies that align with the interests of the influencing nation. A notable achievement has been the backing of numerous educational institutions and events in Southeast Europe by the EU and the US through various organisations. In August 2023, the European Union earmarked €2.1 million for the renovation of sports facilities at 17 schools and a sports faculty across 12 municipalities in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

In Banja Luka, Bosnia and Herzegovina, schoolchildren participate in an event aimed at promoting education, funded by the United States and the European Union. © Pierre Crom

Architecture:

Architectural projects can act as powerful symbols of influence, redefining the historical narratives of these states. In July 1963, a devastating earthquake struck Skopje, North Macedonia, claiming the lives of over 2,000 residents and leveling approximately 65 percent of its structures. The subsequent reconstruction efforts were spearheaded by the Yugoslav government, bolstered by assistance from foreign nations and international bodies. Notably, renowned Japanese architect Kenzo Tange was selected to redesign the shattered city center, earning recognition for his vision in the rebuilding process.

In Skopje, North Macedonia, in April 2017, a fire ravaged the barracks housing the archives of the Institute for Town Planning and Architecture, where the detailed plans for Skopje’s post-1963 earthquake reconstruction were stored. Tragically, the blaze destroyed invaluable architectural models and blueprints, including those of the iconic structures envisioned by renowned architect Kenzo Tange. © Pierre Crom

In North Macedonia, the Skopje 2014 architectural project, spearheaded by the nationalist VMRO-DPMNE party, was designed to give the capital city a distinctly Macedonian character. This initiative involved erecting numerous monuments and renovating building facades in a neoclassical style.

In Skopje, North Macedonia, iconic buildings are adorned with neo-classical facades, part of a project initiated by the nationalist VMRO-DPMNE party to instill a Macedonian identity in the city. © Pierre Crom

Disinformation:

The deliberate spread of false or deceptive information aims to create confusion or influence public opinion for manipulative purposes. In an increasingly interconnected world and amid the relentless spread of digital disinformation, Russia’s influence extends far beyond its borders or regions with Russian-speaking populations. Russia has used social media and propaganda channels to fabricate and disseminate the false claim of a nonexistent genocide against Russian-speaking individuals in Ukraine as a pretext for its invasion of Donbas in the spring and summer of 2014.

In Russia-occupied Kostyantynivka, Ukraine, on April 28, 2016, Russian fighters pose with local residents for photos after seizing the administration building. © Pierre Crom

Economy:

Economic engagement may encompass trade deals, investments, and financial aid designed to cultivate dependence on the influencing nation. In November 2023, the European Commission introduced a new Growth Plan for the Western Balkans, featuring €6 billion in grants and loans to speed up economic integration with the EU.
In July 2024, Serbian Minister of Mining and Energy Handanovic and European Commission Vice-President Sefcovic signed a memorandum in Belgrade to advance a significant lithium mining project, sparking a fresh surge of protests over environmental concerns.

In Ducina, Serbia, a local resident gathers firewood in a forest. © Pierre Crom

Culture:

Cultural influences may involve the promotion of language, arts, and cultural exchanges that align with the influencing nation’s culture. Russia is assimilating Belarusian culture through a series of bilateral cultural agreements with Belarus, steadily eroding national cultural identity.

In Minsk, Belarus, theatre students attend a class led by Russian instructors at the Belarusian State University of Culture and Arts. © Pierre Crom

Multilateralism:

Since Russia’s annexation of Crimea, the European Union has implemented extensive sanctions in response to its invasion of Ukraine.

Albania, Argentina, Australia, Austria, Azerbaijan, Belgium, Bulgaria, Cambodia, Canada, Colombia, Croatia, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Japan, Jordan, Kosovo, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Montenegro, Morocco, Netherlands, New Zealand, North Macedonia, Norway, Pakistan, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Serbia, Slovakia, Slovenia,

South Korea, Spain, Sudan, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, the United Kingdom, and the United States have all contributed weapons to support Ukraine in its fight against Russia.

In June 2023, the European Union enforced punitive measures against Kosovo, citing Pristina’s failure to take sufficient action to reduce tensions in the northern region, where ethnic Serbs form the majority.

Montenegro became a member of NATO in 2017, with North Macedonia joining the alliance in 2020.

In Russia-occupied Sevastopol, Ukraine, Ukrainian servicemen prepare porridge while Russian troops, lacking insignia, secure control of a nearby Ukrainian military airfield. © Pierre Crom

Religion:

Religious influences can be employed to solidify connections or alliances with particular religious groups or institutions. It is estimated that only about 15% of Orthodox Christians in Russia attend church services at least once a month. Russia leverages the Orthodox Church to foster a sense of shared identity and brotherhood in Southeast and Eastern European states. By promoting religious and cultural connections, Russia aims to strengthen its influence and forge closer ties with these regions. In 2019, Russia threw its support behind the Serbian Orthodox Church in Montenegro, opposing a law they believed threatened to confiscate church assets, including historic monasteries and churches. Kremlin-backed Sputnik Srbija, a Serbian-language news outlet, extensively covered the protests, framing them as a defence of Orthodoxy in Montenegro. In Serbia, roughly 85% of the population identifies as Orthodox Christian, while in Montenegro, the figure stands at around 72%.

In Budva, Montenegro, a Christian Orthodox priest negotiates the construction of a church with local entrepreneurs in the Russian Village, a holiday resort popular with Russian tourists. © Pierre Crom

In Latin, “Subjectio” translates to “forgery” and “submission”. Hybrid influences often elude public visibility and resist clear depiction through traditional photography or videography. Crom’s work provides a lens through which these subtle influences can be captured. In particular contexts, conditions align to reveal the depth of these influences — whether it be the impact of Russian and Western military strategies in Ukraine or the influence of religion in Montenegro.

Subjectio, through its examination of these multifaceted influences, seeks to shed light on the nuanced ways in which Western countries and Russia manoeuvre in Southeast and Eastern Europe. By understanding these methods and their impact, Subjectio aims to provide valuable insights for the public to navigate the complexities of modern geopolitical conflicts and information warfare.

After numerous journeys through Ukraine, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Moldova, North Macedonia, Kosovo, Serbia, Montenegro, Transnistria, and Belarus, Crom began to observe striking similarities in the events unfolding across these regions.

He noted distinct parallels, particularly among Ukraine, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Montenegro, where the presence of the Russian Night Wolves — a motorcycle band known for its involvement in military actions and various cultural initiatives — underscored their agenda of promoting a broader Slavic unity.

In Russia-occupied Luhansk, Ukraine, a member of the Russian Night Wolves motorcycle club gears up inside a seized school building, where a flag of the self-proclaimed Donetsk People’s Republic is displayed. © Pierre Crom
In Belgrade, Serbia, a member of the Russian Night Wolves motorcycle club rides his motorbike through the city center. © Pierre Crom
In Banja Luka, Republika Srpska, Bosnia and Herzegovina, members of the Russian biker group Night Wolves march during the Bosnian Serb January 9 Statehood Day parade. © Pierre Crom
In Podgorica, Montenegro, in August 2020, members of the Russian motorcycle club Night Wolves gathered outside the Cathedral of the Resurrection to celebrate the day after a coalition of Serbian nationalist and pro-Russian parties won the parliamentary elections. © Pierre Crom

In Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Kosovo, portraits and a mural featuring Russian President Vladimir Putin have emerged, illustrating his depiction in public spaces.

In Podgorica, Montenegro, a portrait of Russian President Vladimir Putin is displayed in the “Russian Bar,” symbolizing a clear nod to his influence in the establishment’s identity. © Pierre Crom
In Milici, Bosnia and Herzegovina, a portrait of Russian President Vladimir Putin is featured at “Cafe Putin”. © Pierre Crom
In Zvecan, Kosovo, a mural of Russian President Vladimir Putin adorns the exterior of a local coffee house. © Pierre Crom

Displays of power were evident during military parades and commemorative ceremonies in Ukraine, Kosovo, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia and Belarus.

In Kyiv, Ukraine, on August 24, 2017, U.S. servicemen line up for a military parade on Independence Day. © Pierre Crom
In Pristina, Kosovo, the Kosovo Armed Forces march during the Independence Day parade. © Pierre Crom
In Belgrade, Serbia, Serbian guards raise the national flag during a ceremony to commemorate the national day. © Pierre Crom
In Banja Luka, Republika Srpska, Bosnia and Herzegovina, despite an official ban from the Ministry of Defense, members of the Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina participated in the Republika Srpska’s January 9 Statehood Day celebrations. © Pierre Crom
In Skopje, North Macedonia, a ceremony is held in front of the Monument to Alexander III of Macedonia on Macedonia Square. © Pierre Crom
In Vitebsk, Belarus, Belarusian servicemen fire their rifles during a commemoration of the city’s liberation by the Red Army in World War II. © Pierre Crom

In Serbia, Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, murals glorifying war criminals and genocidal regimes were observed.

In Belgrade, Serbia, a mural honors the late Russian fighter Arsen Pavlov, known as Motorola, who fought with Russia-backed forces in eastern Ukraine. © Pierre Crom
In Mitrovica, Kosovo, a mural featuring the letter “Z” — a widely recognized emblem of Russia’s war in Ukraine — was spotted near a university in a predominantly Kosovo Serb neighborhood. The graffiti was accompanied by the phrase “Serbs with Russians,” underscoring a visible expression of solidarity between some local Serbs and Russia.© Pierre Crom
In Visegrad, Republika Srpska, Bosnia and Herzegovina, a mural features the symbol of Russia’s war in Ukraine, anti-NATO and anti-EU graffiti, as well as the flags of Russia and Serbia. © Pierre Crom

Concealed installations designed to safeguard weapons, war ships and submarines have been revealed along Montenegro’s Adriatic coast and in Balaklava on the Black Sea, within Russian-occupied Crimea.

In Tivat, Montenegro, lies the hidden remnants of a secret naval base from the former Yugoslavia. Constructed in the Bay of Kotor during the Cold War, this strategic stronghold was designed to shield warships and submarines from potential air and sea attacks. The base, nestled within the bay’s rugged coastline, stands as a relic of the era’s military tensions and clandestine operations. © Pierre Crom
In Tivat, Montenegro, the P-821 Heroj submarine, once a key asset of the Yugoslav Navy, is now on display, offering a rare glimpse into the naval history and military prowess of the former Yugoslavia. © Pierre Crom
In Russia-occupied Balaklava, Ukraine, on March 6, 2014, the entrance of a former Soviet submarine base came into view as Russian forces, lacking insignia, moved into Crimea. This stark image evokes memories of Cold War secrecy, now reawakened in the shadow of modern geopolitical tensions. © Pierre Crom
In Odesa, Ukraine, the silhouette of a Soviet-era Project 615 submarine is glimpsed through the surface of a large soap bubble in a park. © Pierre Crom

Orthodox Christian rituals and religious influences were prominently observed throughout Ukraine, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Moldova, North Macedonia, Kosovo, Serbia, Montenegro, Transnistria, and Belarus.

In Russia-occupied Luhansk, Ukraine, worshippers pray in a church. © Pierre Crom
In Banja Luka, Republika Srpska, Bosnia and Herzegovina, a worshipper reacts as Patriarch Irinej, head of the Serbian Orthodox Church, conducts a mass during the January 9 Bosnian-Serb Statehood Day. © Pierre Crom
In Comrat, Moldova, worshippers exchange money inside the Orthodox cathedral.© Pierre Crom
In Skopje, North Macedonia, a churchgoer looks at her smartphone during a ceremony in an Orthodox Christian church. © Pierre Crom
In Deçan, Kosovo, the interior of the Serbian Orthodox Visoki Dečani Monastery is shown, safeguarded by the NATO KFOR peacekeeping mission. © Pierre Crom
In October 2020, Belgrade, Serbia: The Church of Saint Sava, co-financed by Russia and still under construction, opens its doors to the public. © Pierre Crom
In Ostrog, Montenegro, a visitor kisses an icon at the Serbian Orthodox Monastery of Ostrog. © Pierre Crom
In Hristovaia, Transnistria (Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic), Nikolai prays in a Christian Orthodox holy bath administered by pro-life activists from Russia. © Pierre Crom
In Vistychi, Belarus, a priest conducts a mass. © Pierre Crom

Orchestrated independence referendums occurred in Russia-controlled Crimea and Donbas within Ukraine. North Macedonia’s referendum to rename the country for NATO membership saw only a 36.89% turnout. Similarly, Montenegro joined NATO in 2020 despite its referendum’s turnout falling well below the 50% threshold.

In Russia-occupied Crimea, Ukraine, a local resident casts her vote at a polling station in Perevalnoye during a controversial referendum orchestrated to determine whether Crimea should be annexed by Russia. © Pierre Crom
In Russia-occupied Sloviansk, Ukraine, a Russian fighter casts his ballot during a sham independence referendum in the Donbas region. © Pierre Crom
In Skopje, North Macedonia, a commission worker waits for voters at a polling station during the name-change referendum. © Pierre Crom

A vast array of monuments, established during the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, and post-independence conflicts, stand as tributes to historical figures, war massacres, genocides and fallen soldiers across Ukraine, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Moldova, North Macedonia, Kosovo, Serbia, Montenegro, Transnistria, and Belarus.

In Starosillya, Ukraine, statues of Soviet leader Vladimir Lenin are showcased at the Museum of Socialist Realism. © Pierre Crom
In Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, a monument honouring Vitaly Ivanovich Churkin, Russia’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations from 2006 to 2017, has been installed outside a cultural centre by the pro-Russian group Eastern Alternative. Churkin is notably remembered for using Russia’s veto power to block a UN resolution that would have condemned the Srebrenica genocide. © Pierre Crom
In Chisinau, Moldova, a protest sign opposes former pro-Russian President Igor Dodon’s plans to dismantle a monument dedicated to the victims of the totalitarian communist regime. © Pierre Crom
In Skopje, North Macedonia, statues of historical figures are prominently featured in the city center. © Pierre Crom
In Pristina, Kosovo, a young boy gestures near the statue of Bill Clinton, who served as President of the United States from 1993 to 2001.© Pierre Crom
In Nis, Serbia, The emblem of Yugoslavia is preserved in the botanical garden of the fortress. © Pierre Crom
In Podgorica, Montenegro, a monument to the Russian artist Vladimir Vysotsky stands near Moscow Bridge. © Pierre Crom
In Katerinovka, Transnistria (Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic), a statue of Lenin, depicted in gold and holding children, is prominently displayed outside the Soviet-era Palace of Culture. © Pierre Crom
Near Minsk in Belarus, the head of a Lenin statue is stored at the Stalin Line Museum, with a sign reading “No Entry.” © Pierre Crom

Ruined buildings serve as stark reminders of past battles in urban areas across Ukraine, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia.

In Sloviansk, Ukraine, a man surveys the wreckage of a hospital that once stood along the former frontlines. © Pierre Crom
In Mostar, Bosnia and Herzegovina, a tree stands tall within the ruins of a building destroyed during the Bosnian War. © Pierre Crom
In Belgrade, Serbia, pedestrians pass by the remnants of a building still scarred by the 1999 NATO bombings. © Pierre Crom

Protesters convened for anti-NATO demonstrations, supported by Russia, in North Macedonia, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia.

In Skopje, North Macedonia, on October 30, 2018, Anti-NATO and EU protesters gather outside parliament following a referendum on resolving the name dispute with Greece. The change from Macedonia to North Macedonia paves the way for the country’s NATO and EU membership. © Pierre Crom
Cetinje, Montenegro, on April 28, 2017, Anti-NATO protesters burn a NATO flag as the parliamentary majority ratifies the pact on NATO membership. © Pierre Crom
In Banja Luka, Republika Srpska, Bosnia and Herzegovina, on January 9, 2017, local activists display an anti-NATO banner on the contentious Bosnian Serb Statehood Day, January 9. © Pierre Crom
In Belgrade, Serbia, on October 22, 2020, anti-NATO and anti-EU Serbian nationalists shout slogans, light flares, and wave flags to disrupt the Miredita, Dobar Dan! festival, which celebrates Kosovo Albanian culture. © Pierre Crom

Subversive Western influences:

The constrained and selective military assistance provided to Ukraine has led to a protracted war, during which a significant number of civilians and Ukrainian soldiers have been killed or injured while defending their country against Russian aggression.

In Mykolaiv, Ukraine, a local resident walks through rubbles following a Russian missile strike. © Pierre Crom

In April 2023, Kosovo mayors were elected through transparent municipal elections in the Serb-majority areas of northern Kosovo, even as Kosovo Serbs chose to boycott the polls. The subsequent installation of these mayors triggered violent clashes between Kosovo Serb factions and NATO-led security forces. Despite Kosovo’s adherence to the rule of law, the European Union has unjustly imposed reversible measures on the country for its failure to de-escalate tensions.

In Mitrovica, Kosovo, the Italian Multinational Specialised Unit participates in the NATO KFOR peacekeeping mission on the Ibar bridge. © Pierre Crom

The European Union and the United States extend their support to the Serbian authorities, despite Serbia being classified by Freedom House as a Hybrid Regime. In endorsing what can be described as a stabilitocracy, Western powers inadvertently erode the rule of law.

In Belgrade, Serbia, on March 31, 2022, supporters of presidential candidate and current President Aleksandar Vučić display a large flag featuring their leader adorned with the Saint George ribbon, a symbol of Russian military heritage, during a rally. © Pierre Crom

The recent signing of a memorandum between the European Union and Serbia concerning lithium mining has ignited widespread protests driven by environmental concerns.

The prolonged accession process to the European Union has eroded public support and credibility in North Macedonia. This disillusionment paved the way for the nationalist VMRO-DPMNE party to regain power following the 2024 presidential and parliamentary elections, straining relations with neighbouring EU members Bulgaria and Greece.

In Skopje, North Macedonia, on March 8, 2017, Macedonian nationalists march from the presidential palace to the parliament. © Pierre Crom

Subjectio’s Google Maps:

Subjectio’s Google Maps archives document the effects of Russian and Western influences across Ukraine, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Moldova, North Macedonia, Kosovo, Serbia, Montenegro, Transnistria, and Belarus. Curated with the assistance of Google Alerts, Crom has organised these events by country and displayed them on a map in chronological order. While the images may not always directly correspond to the events, they aim to provide a broader visual context. Each pin on the map marks the location where Crom took the photographs. The map includes a series of seven video interviews conducted across the nine countries and states of interest.

Pierre Crom has lived in the Netherlands since 1987. He studied photography at the Royal Academy of Art in The Hague. Since February 2014, Crom has extensively documented the war in Ukraine, including the annexation of Crimea, the onset of conflict in Sloviansk, the MH17 disaster, the battle for Debaltseve, the rise of self-proclaimed Russian republics in the Donbas region, Ukraine’s re-invasion of Kyiv, the new frontline in Kherson, the Battle of Bakhmut, the frontlines in Zaporizhzhia, and, most recently, the intense fighting in the Donbas region up to January 2024. In 2015, he won the Dutch Zilveren Camera award for a documentary series on the MH17 disaster. In 2017, his visual investigations from 2014 and 2015 in Ukraine were published in the photo book “War in Ukraine”, offering an intimate portrait of a country where socio-economic discontent spiraled into war. Since 2014, Pierre has been working on the digital project Subjectio, a visual exploration of Russian and Western influences in Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, North Macedonia, Kosovo, Moldova, Transnistria, Ukraine, and Belarus. The documentary film “Signs of War” narrates the story behind his images taken in Ukraine in 2014 and 2015. The film received the Vienna Film Award for Film of the Year 2023 in Austria. His website and related content are archived by the Royal Library for future research.

All images © Pierre Crom

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Subjectio

Subjectio examines influences exercised by the West and Russia in Southeast and Eastern Europe.